>> we'll stay in washington and take you to bookings institution on the update on the discussions under way including british ambassador to the united states here on c-span. tom.hank you very much, thank you for having me. so just to remind you of

those, we've got halloween approaching next week. and trying to negotiate with cept for to ac britain's divorce agreement hich has to happen by march 29th. includes three things, and two, money, and which is we're today isfocus on a lot and keeping irish republic ern er open with north

ireland. we're going to focus a lot on triple d britain's treating is not going to result in britain getting any candy. o be giving candy to brussels. the question is how much. degree of bad will? and rid radical uncertainty incoming weeks and months of hat is going to happen with brexit is acute. plausible to next march or having succeeded. s it is, i think after last saturday's 700,000 strong march

e is a second we go to uchlt and brexit march of 29th. start with the radical uncertainty. i'm going to you not to cause you'veu but be been britain's ambassador to the eu. advisorational security to british prime minister and have deep experience and what is your prognosis?

fantastical he people votes scenario. perhaps slightly less fantastical now. at?t are you looking >> thanks for coming to me first. there are three options and we want to choose middle ones. this is a agreement that arrangements is done.t that is 95% agreements in money and

ost of the rest of the arrangements. and hardest deal is what happens so g the irish border and it's proving but we've got 95% of the way there. trade we get the free embodied in this if it that is plan a should not be completed in the in ement rather than december, 2020. that is not where we expect to be or want to be so we're talking about contingencies we happen. e still have sometime in

december, possible can be next year and we booked and want the bjective. other states i am is the border so confident we can get there and get a deal. agreement eed an did maybe 0 ture, i or 40 organizations this my time. 50 years was.h my creativity.al i would accept it's a tight ote but i think the talk now

with newspaper are named and saying they'll be able to vote for it. i think there is a text to look at. concentrate minds. deals with e new despite sdpooit going to that place. degree is it no deal plan something. >> the government says there is g on in white hall. colleagues are looking at this.

and we're trying to involve a deal and yet we're doing planning for that. not the expectation and. >> your career has been with you dealt ire ynd and ith the irish presidency and has been period entrenchment and success of the that is ay agreement

achieved peace and to what now sort of a live activity? risks are veryhe high. ee of is a huge degr concern in dublin and in belfast cross the ireland around of not being concluded and i think there is a desire on both parts. of the sides to do a deal. that. disagree about and i think the arithmetic in house of commons from his irect experience, i think it's

a risky scenario. a lot of planning underway. implementation is unclear. ere is a really deep concern and a sensitive topic in advocate those who for those deals. nk it's fear mongering really angry and it.d like to raise and a bit of high school exam in

1998 and so i come from that generation witnessed on television every evening, bombs ireland butnorthern in britain. which devastated people's lives and that is something eople are deeply concerned about maintaining and preserving the process and we don't take ted and we're that could out what ireland. y unleash by >> before march, probably by the end of the year. and is is a real risk most and something that of us are concerned about.

teve, you may have affected cotland so you're opposition position ll in a poll skruj prospects here. the this leadership of party if jeremy corin is someone that didn't turn out to the march on saturday and what are the chances something can go wrong in this vote? a no deal crash into situation? >> risks are real. there is a negotiation risk.

common two sides found ground? there is agreement on that in december, but smartest minds so far have not managed to find poerm nation. in classic negotiation, both ind that common ground and consequences are severe. my hope is in the immediate days we'll see progress in negotiations but in december there was pressure that there would be a meaningful vote on the outcome of dpoeshations to count them ed and there is speculation at the

is that there is in majority for any negotiation andomes under contemplation i admire the understatement. and had suggesting that this will be resolved and very to we say in scotland, i it seems oubts because ill not cratic union w support the conservative party when it comes to a relationship between northern ireland and republic. there are conservative mps eaped tog they are not r this i am deal so skeptical you'll see anything

of labor mps r hich support tourism in those consensus actually tip tripping division lobbies. i don't see ment there is a majority for any of e e proposals that are on th table. >> and you mention i should add complement to kim face that ll poker elected he tweeted porage should be the new. let's just start the dup,

now, them, the majority oncerns are with the and the border. >> what is the concern? >> go being into brexit, added isastrous result s using her majority and becoming dependent on the dup. that had we'reng discussing the only voice coming

he is the voice of t democratic unionit party propping up teresa may's nd there t in london a coming ice, otherwise, out of pell fast. research i doing representative and dup recognize that's northern ireland has special circumstances but don't want given rn ireland to be and and and in many ways was offered in the be the best of borj worlds economically for they rn ireland because to participate.

in terms of a political position to their political position. american how do ou assess the trump administration's role in this? how, sort of insert itself into these ly negotiates. it's not clear. obama have had president ofy forward leaning in terms suggested that the uk would be

at the back of the cue in terms of pretrade with the u.s. if it and i think that in this case it's supportive of the weakening of the eu and potentially breaking country as way. and it's opinion surprising u.s. ved in been more invol the negotiations on the face of it, particularly on the northern ireland side. u.s. for decades supported the northern ireland peace process and have had george mitchell anthive in shepherding good friday agreement. u.s. has in the played an active role and i think the u.s. government has assessed it's not in his interest to have the uk crash out with no deal. that would be damaging in dpeeo terms.ic the state department made quiet

progress towards the deal and the u.s. really has ot played a role that we might see from traditional u.s. administrations in terms of trying to find a way forward on northern ireland. >> and trump suggested boris johnson would make a if prime minister. happening here. post great claim was a trade deal.

america could not want to negotiate this. and trump hasn't said one if onable thing about this, pritin is a factor in order to keep that irish border open it's going to be hard to negotiate. that is a reasonable point. right? what. eral lking point last sev is we're teen on the agreement and the president said

how keen he and his dministration will be on negotiating just as soon as you are. h we can negotiate and find the only thing you can't do is implement the agreements. we've 't implement until left everything and tens ready we have to wait and see

the future and how close we are to eu regulation. u.s. takes it there, 20% of british exports so it's already our biggest goal by a trading partner. there is huge potential for more. rye o, this will be a top out.f the fostonce we're

clear.'s be seems to be to be optimist wrik and most generous. he fact is that trade negotiators are unsentimental people. to arithmetic and psychology. then the deal you're able to this erent and

helps the united kingdom seems to me to be consistent by leaving european union britain and we'll taller ecome north atlantic, singapore. no imelement tags reality is going to be it's od in which a treaty. into idea is that if we're in that scenario, the rest of the world

is going to rush to find free trade agreement is another the conversation what we're hearing and i see little evidence it's fog to be true. >> let me pick up on that theme.y involves all kinds of -- chlorinated o say shudder. d brits e are at ther

said we can't d that. out and keep you should leave eu, too and come with us in our own. and. > perfect, we're in a more comfortable seat new. you're a more secure country. this is bringing up rather pad

plan in and changing the republic. >> we have had a high point had queen elizabeth came and traveled to ireland and traveled around the country. a strong up this the and personal well.onships as certainly, those relationships have been strained and of course, some leading lights within the concern of party. however, i would say i think

to the point where the hon ensitized from sense coming from those people father oris johnson's interve and said if irish other,want to shoot each think nobody is taking that seriously. and these are serious ideas but one by one, they with have bill battered away. >> there is a described back and is a. >> yes is offensive. right.u're learned to stand

two feet. en us a self confidence and that has been amp ply bid so uk kelast few years has slowed down so we have a conomy,f confidence our e and no and politics g enough byt be stron searching individuals will impact enough. about hiking we feel a stronger member as well. solidarity.t the

have ad reality, as we een, europeans sol tear ti and ireland benefited perfect that. many are supplying this space. for 12 had conversations months and this is the predecisions about frag men tags conquer have been wrong. there might not be a doubt this will continue throughout the end of the process. > this is gracious but what is

disturbing foundly aspect? this is basing british politicians pro found ignorance our r relationships with secureds in ireland and y politics and can be undone we're witnessing today is english nationalism wrapped in the union jack and revealing members of the party have a

disregard and in their mind the cost of a clean break through is hat is a main t opinion. >> there is a good paper about constitutional implications britain. i have heard the description of be. it could

how likely is that? lot of there is a referendum in sktland now. fatigue over that. sseeness of e brexit's divorce, it high lice d, and if the oul uk is out of the customs union cotland le markets and s wanted to rejoin, you'd need to with scotland.

68% to f scotland voted remain. >> 62. > so there was support in scotland for staying. is a tealing he don't share the views with. i talk about is sort of wonky constitutional is that where powers from brussels are going to return when we the come back uk.he debate that could motivate scotland. when the parliament was set up the way scotland act was written ,s that coming back from the eu many of scotland and others say

ved and e hot reser should be coming back to us. this is is continuing to play the s to who controls f controlled by london you're going to have to deal the scots,on rz from northern irish. and. >> this is now they're not going eu.be suddenly waved to the right? what i understand, brexits.

>> it answers questions about this illegal referendum and i uk leaving t is the eu. that would be the case for them nion seems to be evolving somewhat. and staying in front of the other others. >> i think the greatest thing is via we made our choice 10-point margin. prime of the piers

that woulde believed support spike and that is adult that's never barked. we've seen seen any significant and in that polls sense, bill clinton used to call it, teachable moment. when contemplating the union between scotland and england. of the public opposed.remains and the nationals were unable to

make the case. answers, are credible difficult.s more so in that sense, i think notwithstanding those difficulties said she's going to a second referendum and i won't want to leave you with iss impression that scotland bit.ping at the my sense is that if nationalists ple do persuade peo

there are representatives at says s have a view th we've shot ourselves in the foot toff our leg. cu a lot of people mentioned the unity has opinion perhaps underest hated. and that you're leaving the club e scenario, where heading might be towards an idea of brexit, britain, ireland and

europe do you think the strong s do you think comes to sort of a blinking situation, that might ope?ore flexibility in eur given your brussels negotiating experience? on the other side government. same side.e to so we admitted to do it together to and a solution on that

there is is no question on what border. on the question, not surprisingly, the way negotiations have unfolded if we ew deal, brexit, help helps we'll survive but it will be damaging to both sides. european, and to us. find a way can

through. t's to be a political decoration not a agreement we gotiate afterwards. so it shouldn't be possible . 'll see what happens next >> my question is l that applies europeans. you've got rich experience in europe. has been sumption

more e would be and might that change this a fame of chicken circumstances? >> well, i think merkle is a great friend of the uk and going slow o the sort of the motion i see is what led to uk.erendum in the you know? david that period cameron is trying to negotiate a deal to work for the uk and ve ow him to go back and ha voters soat convinces

it. i can see there is n i can see there is nobody as sorry as she is to see how it unolded. r compromise on the fou freedoms, i think it's to be ommitted to maintaining the integrity of single hashths so that is not crust a prevenlg position. i've ferman position and lived here two years to people ying it's going to

and last minute difference single market is nonnegotiatable. if anything, no is the answer. i don't see wafering on that and i don't see pressure coming up anticipated. down the w water language is not going to happen. i think people are really misunderstanding what the european project means to france

k it's many if they thin happen.o > there is no guarantee she'll be in government. >> this is a, yes. this is a you know the influence strong re is a liberal study and there are a lot of variables. one thing is that they've

opinion unified and i think that continue.o yes. but it will be a deal on the pacic principles of the european union. >> so types of people in this is that in order to get scenario of a second eferendum you're going to need

one leader. chances inat are the in view that pro european rty can say three out of tour want britain to remain in europe. people.re your there are more young voters and more pro europe. robablyls show it would p win. re is a strong

t to ent you've got to ge the tide here. >> the argument would come as news. was that the pted table ias kicked on the the people erms of only weekend that is the route voted down d of the year.

is a coalition and i and it's hard to believe the consequence ront of british any time soon. ul of think they're fearf learning a general election. s longerto probably last ces if circumstan proposals have opinion rejected could there be circumstances? and at that point have a second look. hat would require the support

eu27 athat would be worth coming an you're right in your observation. notwithstanding need principle ve to take place and neither is on the route. sek referendum on whether or not you want to go ford? >> yes. scheming n evil

ramona as they call it is that we'll put says okay, it back to the people. in which case minister says let's give my deal to the people in the alternative being no deal, i would be surprised if the european council at that point was repaired to extend the article 50 process, if only to ratify the deal that has been done rather than remain. that may be a scenario. there would be a lot of voices agitating within the labour party to avoid that choice. labour party will a party rejected theresa may's deal and does not want to see no deal. given leave the labour party in a dilemma if that referendum came to pass. circumstances as

a choice between hard deal in no deal, and a labour party politician leading the opposition for remain versus the prime minister's deal. parliamentaryst democracy in the world it would be difficult for the prime minister to put it to the people. never be a bizarre scenario. much more likely -- if this plays out in the deal is rejected in parliament, there were the evolution of no confidence -- they would be a motion of no confidence in theresa may. that is my prediction. >> i would predict david b 1.4 million people on the left marching. >> i think there is every possibility theresa may will not be the prime minister in the next few weeks and months, but i don't think that means there will be a change of government

and the general election. there is a critical scenario where we see a change of prime minister, but they are resisting the option of going to the country at that point. >> the up has expressed the opinion and preference for the next leader of the conservative party. >> this gets deeper into the prime minister problem. probative boris johnson-type government. they are socially not progressive. it has been described as the political arm of the 17th century. issuesicians on various are not in tune with the larger public. that kind of scenario is also a constitutional breakdown scenario, isn't it? isn't that in support -- >> we are in uncharted waters. we will be in even more uncharted waters and circumstances where parliament

rejects all of the options. every one of the scenarios we are describing, one is left scratching once had thinking educated people cannot get to that place, but we could be exactly at that place. >> theresa may's trump card with the right to tears --brexit eers, it could be corbin it was the next prime minister. that is a more persuasive the dup should short-lived -- dup short-lived coalition. >> they will be able to vote down the deal and not vote for a parliament act to be revoked. that is certainly a threat made by the whips, but they will call their bluff at that point.

this is a psychodrama in the civil war in the conservative party. rationality only has a small part to play in the drama unfolding in the conservative party right now. >> is important to understand the fear of the hardline brexiteers. their greatest fear is theresa may's concession or proposal at the european council to extend the transition period. that is the absolute disaster scenario for them. they don't particularly want the deal and are happy to end up with no deal because it is better than the alternative which could be a prolonged transition that ultimately might lead to a soft brexit, and that's of them is not brexit. they are totally ideologically opposed to that. i think it is fairly predictable they would rather a no deal scenario than a scenario that allows for potentially an election in a couple of years that maliki exactly another

referendum or soft brexit. they cameas a survey out saying 87% of the people of northern ireland who supported remain said the peace process was a price to pay to make sure brexit happened. >> a cheerful thought. i want to get to questions, but very quickly a couple of questions. one for you, ken. putting wonderful job the best face on what britain is up to. would it be fair to say it is more difficult now than it did earlier in your career? what ways to you have to manage role? the demands on your >> do i look like an aging faster? [laughter] >> you are doing well. >> thank you. to be theprivilege

british ambassador to the united states. i think it is the best job in our system. i would like to be here. story in the u.k. added an extra layer of complexity to the job, but thank you for your concern but i'm fine. [laughter] >> good answer. let's go to questions. mine andcouple more of then we will open it up to the audience. gentleman two thirds of the way back there. just a straight question. -- i grew up in austria and i know intimately. i know what people across europe know of it. there was never stability

in northern ireland when the irish agreement came. britain itself is no stability during your youthful career because it impinges constantly on london in britain. as the forward minister of theyia told theresa may, know there is no stability in modern europe without stability on the periphery. of want to ask the question which i asked nine months ago to the irish finance minister in a similar session on brexit. views andhow are the preferences and needs of the people of northern ireland who voted in the majority despite amanda's dyer statistic, which i question, for the majority of people in northern ireland and the vast majority on the island see their economic and political stability in future in the context of a modern europe?

the one thing that appalls me is i have not heard almost nothing apart a little from lucinda as to the reality on the ground on the border counties that can sustain stability and whatever arrangement comes out. as tou please inform us what deliberations have taken place to consult and bring on board the needs and views of the people of northern ireland in whatever political arrangements you are moving towards? the good friday agreement was one of the highlights and the great pieces of statesmanship of recent years. government are determin and -- determined to maintain the peace process that resulted what brought such

usability to northern ireland. i lived through the troubles that have the task of explaining what was going on in northern ireland and all mainland britain when i was posted overseas. personally it is just a huge transformation. now to be talking about the difficult politics from the position where the troubles have ceased. prime minister's in the home service are committed to preserving this agreement. she has gone to the wall over an opene of maintaining border between northern ireland and the republic of ireland. she has taken a lot of criticism from the backbench colleagues, and she has remained committed to it. the reason we are in these difficult negotiations is

because she is so committed to this objective, trying to find a way to honor it. in terms of what we are doing to keep the people of northern ireland -- there are endless debates in the house of commons where mp's from northern ireland are participating. there is a process under which the government is consulting the , and they have at and in those meetings couple of ministers explained over have those negotiations and who they are talking to. that is what goes on in parliament. beyond that there is a lively media and public debate about the whole process. i think the prime minister has demonstrated publicly how committed she is to preserving life in northern ireland on the

open border as clearly as wesible and that is where are going to deliver. >> everybody wants to answer this question. >> thank you. i think maybe because i'm so immersed in this debate at home in ireland the views of people from northern ireland from both sides of the divide and particularly the border counties are absolutely alive and part of the consciousness in political debate. i think it has been a huge priority for the government in dublin. we are without political representation. counsel general houston here who has been representing the interests of the people of northern ireland and the u.s., but we don't have representation for northern ireland. it is shameful. at the same time one of the main

parties is refusing to take their seats in westminster and represent the views of the people of northern ireland. there is a huge vacuum in terms of representation in belfast and london on behalf of the people of northern ireland, which is an absolute disgrace. in terms of how the represented at every step taken into deep consideration by political representatives in dublin, i genuinely believe they absolutely are being represented and that the nuance and sensitivity of the position across the divide is very much understood and appreciated and a few concern in dublin. and i have to say in brussels. that is like everywhere i go in other eu member states and capitals across the european union, the first question they asked is what about the peace process? what about the good friday agreement? what about the border?

there is a huge consciousness of the impact and potential catastrophe that brexit may bring to bear on northern ireland. i was engulfed last last week meeting with northern irish, chamber of commerce manufacturing northern ireland and other organizations. the real concern i would say is , whatn northern ireland lies ahead is a genuine sense of foreboding. while i concur absolutely with what can said about the commitment of the british government to the peace process and absence of a hard border, it is an inescapable truth that brexit reintroduced the border question in a way that it was otherwise absent. let's not forget what are the architects of the good friday agreement talked about europe changing the geometry of the conversation in northern ireland. it created the space in which

irish,itself identify as self identify as british, and find common ground after years of sectarian conflict. i am deeply troubled to the effect that brexit is going to have on the goodwill and seriousness with which both governments want to find a way forward, but the reality is there are difficult days ahead. the statistic was from the british social latitude survey. 87% of the 45% devoted to remain, a small percentage of that. i appreciate your comments. i lived in northern ireland for three years. i moved to there a week before 9/11 so i feel emotionally attached to everything happening there. when i was back in may i was struck as to what they were talking about, by how destabilizing every thing has become. when i there there's three years after the good friday agreement.

i lived with a woman who just joined the police service who had to move out of our that because they were close to an ira stronghold. it has been encouraging to see how far everything had come in the subsequent 20 years. i was struck when i was there by how destabilizing things were. done with made reference to the question of the border. it has raised questions of identity,. of the constitution the northern ireland presently collapsed in january of 2017 over a domestic political dispute. it will unlikely be .econstituted until brexit is resolved the westminster parliament is looking at legislation to give civil servants more authorities to be able to make decisions in the absence of this. in addition to the identity and constitution's questions raised, there is practically no governance on the ground in northern ireland. up does not control any constituencies. a lot of the instability is

being questioned by people. that paper i have written outline a lot of the practical questions that brings it is raising, both in terms of agriculture, business and the increase in all island services that developed since the good friday agreement. one of particular is health services. there was a decision the dup supported to close the one children's cancel hospital in belfast -- cancer hospital in belfast. there is now a question if you have a hard brexit estimate the access of medical services for people will be to people in the republic. this has a huge list of consequences on all areas of people's daily lives in northern ireland. >> thank you. the gentleman at the back and then you, within the lady in front of you sitting there. >> very brief.

david charles from the london times. kim.ntryman of sir you are very confidently stating the free trade agreement will solve the border issue. i did not hear any dissent from the panel. i wonder if you agree with that. i would like to expand on how that works. you may say it requires very close regulatory alignment, but surely the greatest the regulation, the deeper the alignment, the less opportunity or possibility for britain to strike its own free-trade agreements. they simply would not be able to vary that deal today international trade agreements, with a? --would they? >> very briefly i think you are right.

the reports in today's paper is another version of a customs arrangement which is purportedly now in draft text for the exit agreement. i think potentially placing huge restrictions and potentially striking of bilateral free trade agreements to the u.k. and other countries is pretty much impossible. from an actual technical and practical point of view it is not clear how this will actually work in practice. douglas mayhich quite eloquently earlier around the desire of other countries to strike free-trade agreements with the u.k., particularly the u.s. which is the one held up as the obvious example, it is hard either a customs or free trade arrangement, which

keeps the u.k. and very close alignment if not full alignment from a regulatory point of view with the rest of the you, how -- rest of the eu, how that will work with president trump's desire for much greater regulatory divergence from the eu. and ultimately his america first policy. >> how you stop that foreign aid chicken going from belfast to dublin. >> i think it was a danish commentator who observed britain seems to be going from a country out was in the once opt that is a country that is out there wants to opt in. your basic premise of the question is right. the greater the degree of regulatory alignment, the easier the frictionless character of the trade. one of the difficulties is knowing what brexiteer ministers want. to they want all the diversions

in making speeches for -- -- divergence they have making speeches about for years or free trade? we want a super canada plus deal. let's take a second on the canada deal. stretches the 1600 pages. it took seven years to negotiate. it excludes services that constitute 79% of the present british economy. idea that it alone resolves the economic challenges of and itour misplaced doesn't resolve this pacific issue of the irish border we spent quite a lot of time discussing today. --resolving the irish issue >> thank you. firstly, what do you think will happen a parliament does not vote for this deal? the u.k. parliament? all the 27 member countries, their parliaments also have to

vote for this. second, it is just the european parliament that needs to ratify. >> and the council. what happens of parliament does not vote? with anybody like to add about what they said earlier? we have been painting the halloween scenarios for a while. no? gentleman in the front row, and then you. >>we have been painting the various scenarioss for a mentid ofh scotland and that kind hypothetical case. is there some sort of scenario in which northern ireland has a referendum on reuniting with the republic of ireland as a way to stay in the eu? is that completely outside of possibility? thank you.

>> that's a good question. about payingstion attention to the situation on the ground in northern ireland. voted quitee which strongly to remain gets more and more remain, and more and more protestants begin to realize the benefit is changed. you can get a united ireland referendum in the next five to 10 years. is that realistic? >> me? certainly not in the next five to 10 years in my opinion. there has been a lot of -- the first thing that happened in my consciousness after the u.k. voted in favor of leaving the european union was sinn fein demanded a border. that was predictable the following day. i think it is really unhelpful

having this conversation right now. it alienates the unionist population. we tend to think about the dup exclusively in the context of this discussion. there is a tendency to dismiss the dup. they are a relic and hardliners -- you know what i mean. it is propagated in the media and discourse in the south of ireland. it completely ignores the fact there is a whle unionist -- hold unionist population who do not vote for the dup adult support the dup necessarily, that are unionists and believe in the union and i really threatened by this talk of the border poll, united ireland and increasingly position of the european union or in dublin is somehow designed to propel that

and accelerate that process. we really need to be mindful of the views and sensitive acid of use in northern ireland, and we need to understand the good friday agreement, the peace process and everything that underpins that process is based on consent. consent of both communities. there is a real risk we lose sight of that. the deputy prime minister who says he expects that there is a prospect of united ireland in his lifetime, and that may be the case, he's a few years older than me, battle think it's helpful to be talking about that at this point in time. it is way too politically sensitive. we have to deal with this really difficult hand we haven't dealt and respect both communities. it may very well be -- is probably the case that if you

read the paper about the constitutional implications and evolution applications of brexit the u.k. as a whole, you probably have to conclude it has accelerated this discussion. -- the is responsible responsible thing to do the de-dramatized the discussion and focus on the challenge at hand and keep all communities, catholics, protestants, comfortable with this process to achieve the best outcome for everybody. >> i agree with that. i don't think it is likely in the near term but it is a possibility. the fact we are even having a discussion is so destabilizing in northern ireland. fridayauty of the good agreement isn't largely to took the constitutional question of the table for the near term. you have the u.k. and irish government in the eu, and admit this was almost a nonissue.

the unionists could stay. nationalists were able to operate without borders, without restrictions. the damaging effects of brexit on the psyche in northern ireland is the fact this is becoming a life question again. opinion bowls are showing -- opinion polls are showing there is a desire to remain due to the contested nature of these conversations. the demographics don't necessarily support that and you don't have all nationalists, aside from sinn fein falling for it, supporting moving in that direction. >> we have three or four minutes left. the woman in the middle on the right. >> hi. given what you talked about with the u.s. and u.k. one and a

free-trade deal being one of the key priorities of both countries and especially brexiteers, and given right after brexit they will be that two-your custom union, what would they be able to -- not be able to implement? what would they be able to negotiate given the u.k. will not be deciding how closely it will be aligned with the eu? water areas where they could be negotiating? -- what are the areas where they could be negotiating? >> it depends on how long it takes to negotiate the legal texts that will turn into a proper treaty. the political deal we expect to do as part of the overall package about future relationships between the eu and the u.k. if there is a good deal of detail and the political tax, they need to be some detail to have a meaningful vote in the

house of commons which has promised. that he should have a reasonable -- then you should have a reasonable idea of the direction of travel for the u.k.-eu agreement as we kick off the negotiations with the u.s. on free trade deals. this is all highly speculative. while theagine for a negotiations were running in parallel. we do the deal with the eu are quickly pivoted finish negotiations with the u.s., and want to know exactly where we are with the eu, that will make the u.s. deal much easier to complete. it is speculative. we have actually already used the working group. willtablished who negotiate this free trade deal that will strengthen cooperation between the communities and to look at issues around financial services, regulation where there may be quick wins and low

hanging fruit. euis consistent with continuing their participation in the customs union. the stuff we can do from the outset and as the british and eu become clear in its detail, that will help us conclude the eu -- the u.k.-u.s. element. >> your hand is been a long time, gentleman in the middle. the elephant in the room seems to be the european union. what should the eu do to keep and really wants the u.k. to reconsider the referendum? what should the eu do now if the papers are correct and the

customs union is in the deal and they find whatever solution to the back stuff, doesn't get to a soft brexit? -- does that get to the soft brexit? should be you try to sabotage may, get a deal in parliament? doesn't trigger a no-confidence vote? -- does that trigger a no-confidence vote? >> there were a lot of questions. we need really efficient answers from volunteers. kim? >> i think the eu should give us what we're asking for. [laughter] >> that has been the british negotiating position. [laughter] >> that is why were having this conversation. i would make a couple of points. one of the tragedies of brexit is that i think in the next 10 years we will see eu-wide reform of free movement of labor. the only issue that is big

enough that could have caused the british people to rethink the vote they made would have been a significant eu offer on the free movement of labor. that moment has passed. given president macron's's in reimagining europe as a series of concentric circles, there is no reason why in the future britain could not see itself in at least one of the circles. i fear the urgent and important task of resolving the difficulties we have been discussing today will crowd out all the longer-term conversations in the next few weeks. >> i don't think we have fulfilled the goal of de- dramatizing this, but we have detoxified it. thank you very much to the panel. [applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its

caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2018] [crowd talking]

>> theresa may told parliament brexit negotiations are 95% done. more from the prime minister tomorrow on prime minister's questions on c-span 2. if you want to see this event event, go to c-span.org and type "brexit." more like debate coverage coming up. first comment your democratic congress and sean maloney facing his republican opponent james o'donnell for the 18th congressional district seat. that is live at 6:00 p.m. eastern on c-span. david schroeder and republican vard at 7:00 eastern. tonight, stacey abrams, brian metznd -- kemp and ted

face each other in the georgia republican debate. what's it all tonight beginning at 9:00 eastern on c-span. make c-span your primary source for campaign 2018. a," jameson "q and mann from johns hopkins school of international studies talks about his biography of president george w. bush. >> i don't worry about my legacy because i'm still studying the 80 roosevelt, or harry truman -- theodore roosevelt or harry truman. they will not be an objective history done on this administration for a long time. >> it is not too soon to judge on some aspects of his legacy. it is not too soon to judge on the war in iraq. why? it did not accomplish what he thought it was going to

accomplish before he started the war. they cost 4000 plus american lives, $2 trillion. i don'tin my book and think this judgment will change, that it was one of the biggest or to take blunders in american history. >> james mann sunday night on c-span's "q&a." next, republican congressman rob wittman and vangie williams face each other. the candidates discuss cyber security, defense funding, student loan debt and russian interference in u.s. elections. this is about an hour. >> with that we turned first to mr. whitman who has two minutes for his opening statement. rep. wittman: thank you and good evening. folks, i am honored and